José Antonio Kast was sworn in as president of Chile on 11 March 2026, completing the country’s sharpest turn to the right since the return of democracy in 1990 and carrying into office an unresolved argument about how Chile should remember the military government of Augusto Pinochet. The 60-year-old lawyer and former congressman took the oath in the Hall of Honour of the National Congress in Valparaíso, received the presidential sash from the president of the Senate, Paulina Núñez, and pledged to preserve the independence of the nation and to uphold the constitution and the laws. He succeeded Gabriel Boric, the former student leader who had governed since 2022 at the head of a broad coalition of the left.
Kast reached the presidency after a decisive second round. In the runoff held on 14 December 2025 he defeated Jeannette Jara, a Communist Party member who had served as labour minister in the Boric government, taking roughly 58 per cent of the vote and carrying all sixteen of Chile’s regions. The margin was wider than most pre-election polling had indicated, and it rested on the themes he had pressed throughout the campaign: violent crime, irregular immigration, and an economy many voters felt had stalled. It was his third attempt at the office, following unsuccessful runs in 2017 and in 2021, the latter of which he lost to Boric in a runoff.
The ceremony in Valparaíso drew dozens of heads of state and underlined how far the regional balance has shifted. Argentina’s President Javier Milei, Panama’s José Raúl Mulino and Ecuador’s Daniel Noboa attended, as did King Felipe VI of Spain. Their presence was read in Chile as a show of confidence from a bloc of governments that has grown steadily more numerous across Latin America in recent years, and as a signal that Kast intends to align Chilean foreign policy more closely with that group than his predecessor did.
The argument over Pinochet’s legacy began before Kast took office. On 24 February the office of the president-elect released his official portrait, in which the national coat of arms appeared at the centre of the presidential sash. The detail was noticed at once. No Chilean president since 1990 had worn the sash that way; the emblem had been removed from it after Pinochet left power, and its reappearance was read by critics as a deliberate gesture towards the period before that.
The portrait drew formal objections as well as commentary. Complaints were lodged with the comptroller general’s office seeking to halt the printing, reproduction and framing of the image, on the argument that the sash shown did not conform to specifications set out in legislation dating from 1912 and that reproducing it would amount to a misuse of public resources. Supporters of the incoming president defended the design as the restoration of a national symbol rather than a political statement, and the dispute was still unresolved when he was sworn in.
The controversy had force because Kast has a long record of speaking approvingly of the former military ruler. During his 2017 campaign he said that Pinochet, had he been alive, would have voted for him — a remark that broke a long-standing taboo in post-dictatorship politics and that has followed him through every campaign since. He has moderated his public language in the years since, framing his programme around order, economic growth and institutional stability rather than the past, but he has never fully disowned the earlier comments, and his opponents returned to them repeatedly during the 2025 campaign.
That history still carries weight in a country where the accounting is not closed. The government that took power in the 1973 coup against Salvador Allende and ruled until 1990 was found by successive state truth commissions to be responsible for thousands of deaths and forced disappearances and for the torture of tens of thousands of people. Chile returned to civilian rule after Pinochet lost the 1988 plebiscite, and the institutional settlement built in the decades since has been contested from both directions, most recently in two failed attempts to replace the constitution inherited from the military period.
Kast has assembled a cabinet that points more towards management than confrontation. Of the 24 ministers he named, only eight belong to a political party, a deliberately technocratic and pro-business line-up that includes Francisco Pérez Mackenna at the foreign ministry, Jorge Quiroz at finance and Daniel Mas at economy and mining. Analysts have read the composition as a signal that the government intends to lead with economic policy — cutting regulatory delay, courting foreign investment and accelerating permits for mining projects — while pursuing its security agenda through legislation rather than rhetoric.
The practical constraint is Congress. Kast does not command an automatic majority in either chamber, so the tougher policing powers, immigration measures and tax changes at the centre of his programme will require negotiation with the traditional centre-right and with independents. His first months will test whether a coalition assembled around a single decisive election result can hold together once it has to legislate.
For Chile, the transition is a test of whether the institutions built since 1990 can absorb a government that questions parts of that settlement’s symbolism while operating within its rules. The coat of arms on a presidential sash is a small thing in itself; the argument it reopened is not. Kast’s term runs until 2030.

