Yemen enters the second half of 2026 with humanitarian needs that have grown rather than eased, and with a response plan that is once again running well behind its funding target. The United Nations estimates that more than 22 million people across the country will require humanitarian assistance and protection this year — a figure that includes 10.95 million women and girls, 5.2 million internally displaced people, 329,000 migrants and 63,000 refugees and asylum seekers.
The response plan published in March seeks $2.16 billion to reach 12 million people, with 9.4 million prioritised for targeted assistance on the basis of severity of need. That distinction between people in need, people targeted and people actually reached is not bureaucratic hair-splitting. It reflects a system that long ago stopped attempting to meet total need and now allocates a shrinking envelope to the most acute cases, with the threshold for assistance rising each time an appeal closes short.
Food insecurity remains the largest single component. Around 18.3 million people are acutely food insecure, and the most recent integrated phase classification analysis indicates further deterioration, with districts moving from crisis into emergency classifications. Yemen imports the overwhelming majority of its staple food and nearly all of its fuel, so household access to food is governed less by local harvests than by exchange rates, port throughput and the cost of shipping. Each of those has been under pressure.
Child malnutrition tracks the same curve. More than 2.2 million children under five are acutely malnourished, including 516,157 with severe acute malnutrition — the form that requires therapeutic feeding and that carries a sharply elevated risk of death from infections a well-nourished child would survive. Treating severe acute malnutrition depends on an unbroken chain: outreach workers who screen, functioning stabilisation centres, and a supply of ready-to-use therapeutic food that has to be imported and moved across contested territory.
Disease has moved with the collapse of water and sanitation infrastructure. Cumulative suspected cholera cases reached 93,496 with 248 recorded deaths as of December 2025, distributed across all governorates. Cholera in Yemen is a symptom of damaged pumping stations, contaminated wells and interrupted waste collection as much as of any clinical failure, which is why response plans treat water supply, sanitation and primary healthcare as a single problem rather than three.
The health system carrying that load is itself only partly functional. Years of conflict have damaged facilities, driven trained staff abroad and left many public health workers without reliable salaries. The government’s stated approach, set out in a national health strategy running from 2026 to 2030, is to rebuild primary healthcare as the base of the system and to push donors towards support that strengthens existing facilities rather than creating parallel structures. Ministry officials have pressed partners including UNICEF to tie funding to measurable indicators covering service quality, financial management and health information systems.
Access is the other constraint, and it is the one least amenable to money. Yemen is divided between the Houthi authorities controlling Sana’a and much of the north and west, the internationally recognised government operating from Aden, and a set of regionally backed forces whose loyalties do not map neatly onto either. Aid organisations negotiate movement, staffing and beneficiary selection separately in each area. Restrictions on the movement of female staff in parts of the north have complicated work with the women and children who make up most of the caseload, and detentions of humanitarian personnel have prompted agencies to suspend operations at various points.
The regional environment has added a maritime dimension to what was already a logistics problem. The Houthi movement declared a naval blockade of Saudi Arabia on 20 July, Saudi Arabia has struck what it describes as Houthi military facilities at Hodeidah port, and Riyadh is working to assemble an international coalition to protect Red Sea shipping. Hodeidah is the principal entry point for goods reaching northern Yemen. Insurance costs, vessel availability and port capacity all respond quickly to escalation in the Red Sea, and the effects reach markets far from any front line within weeks.
Funding is the most predictable weakness. Yemen appeals have closed substantially underfunded for several consecutive years, and agencies have repeatedly suspended or scaled back programmes mid-year when pledges failed to convert into disbursements. The pattern has consequences beyond the immediate gap: staff are lost, community trust erodes, and re-establishing a suspended service costs more than maintaining it would have.
What has not changed is the underlying political stalemate. United Nations mediation has produced periods of reduced fighting but no settlement addressing governance, territorial control or the future of armed forces on either side. The Presidential Leadership Council formed in 2022 consolidated several anti-Houthi factions under one structure without resolving the differences between them, and the Houthis have shown no sign of accepting terms that would dilute their control of the north.
For humanitarian agencies, the practical consequence is a long-term operation being funded as though it were a short-term emergency. The distinction matters for what can be attempted: emergency funding buys food, water trucking and mobile clinics, while durable improvement requires paying salaries, maintaining water networks and training staff — commitments that are difficult to make against annual appeals which have consistently arrived incomplete.

